News The Caucus: G.O.P. Senators Give Obama Dinner Thumbs Up

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The Caucus: G.O.P. Senators Give Obama Dinner Thumbs Up
Mar 7th 2013, 04:00

For Washington-watchers looking for positive signs from President Obama's unusual dinner with Republican senators on Wednesday night, there was this: Senators John McCain of Arizona and Tom Coburn of Oklahoma each gave waiting reporters a thumbs up as lawmakers exited the private dining room.

Perhaps their gesture merely expressed gratitude that the president had picked up the tab – out of his own pocket – for the gathering he initiated at the tony Jefferson Hotel, just blocks from the White House and across Lafayette Park.

But given the near blackout on information and the security cordon surrounding the hotel, Washington will be digging for days for more substantive reports about what – if anything – the supper might mean for progress on the budget, immigration, gun safety or any other issue central to Mr. Obama's second-term agenda.

At the outset of his new term, the president seems to have initiated a period of engagement with Senate Republicans to counter the paralyzing antipathy toward him in the Republican-controlled House. In recent days, he invited about a dozen senators to dinner. And next week, at his request, he will go to Capitol Hill to separately meet with both parties in both the House and Senate.

The official guest list of those who dined with Mr. Obama was forthcoming from the White House only after everyone had left the roughly two-hour get-together, given the Obama circle's sensitivity to the fact that identification with the Democratic president carries a political risk for many Republicans back home.

(Proof of that: the influential conservative activist Erick Erickson on Wednesday night circulated on his Twitter account another conservative's Twitter warning: "Seriously, if you are a senator up for re-election in '14, the smartest thing you can do right now is BAIL on the Obamadinner.")

Besides Mr. McCain and Mr. Coburn, the diners were the Republican Senators Bob Corker of Tennessee, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Dan Coats of Indiana, Richard M. Burr of North Carolina, Mike Johanns of Nebraska, Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylvania, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin, John Hoeven of North Dakota, Saxby Chambliss of Georgia and – the only woman – Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire.

"The president greatly enjoyed the dinner and had a good exchange of ideas with the senators," said a senior White House official who would not be identified.

The meeting follows Mr. Obama's phone calls to Republicans since Saturday, when across-the-board cuts – known as sequestration – took effect for military and domestic programs because Mr. Obama and Republican leaders could not agree on alternative deficit-reduction measures. The president insists that any alternative package must combine a balance of spending cuts and new revenues, while Republicans generally oppose new taxes on the wealthy and corporations.

In the Senate, however, a number of Republicans are known to support higher tax revenues if Mr. Obama and Democrats agree to significant long-term reductions in future spending for the fast-growing entitlement programs, chiefly Medicare and Medicaid but also Social Security – just the trade-off Mr. Obama supports. Mr. Coburn and Mr. Chambliss, for example, are members of a bipartisan group that has supported a deficit-reduction plan with more additional revenues than the president has proposed.

The thinking in the White House is that with Congress's Republican leaders – Speaker John A. Boehner and Senator Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican minority leader – refusing to bargain with Mr. Obama on higher revenues, the president's only route to a so-called grand bargain for deficit reduction is to go around the leaders to build a bipartisan consensus.

If such a bargain can get through the Democratic-controlled Senate with a few Republicans' help, that will put pressure on the Republican-controlled House to follow suit – even if House Democrats' votes provide the margin of passage. That is just the dynamic that in the past two months has allowed Congress to send to Mr. Obama bills raising taxes on wealthy Americans, providing aid to victims of Hurricane Sandy and reauthorizing a law on violence against women.

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News Philippines Demands Syrian Rebels Release Peacekeepers

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Philippines Demands Syrian Rebels Release Peacekeepers
Mar 7th 2013, 05:44

Baz Ratner/Reuters

A United Nations vehicle crossed from Syria into Israel on the Golan Heights.

MANILA - Philippine officials appealed Thursday for the release of nearly two dozen Filipino United Nations peacekeepers who were seized by insurgent fighters from Syria while patrolling the disputed Golan Heights region between Syria and Israel.

A video posted online Wednesday showed a member of the Martyrs of Yarmouk claiming responsibility for the abduction of a group of U.N. peacekeepers.

The insurgents on Wednesday threatened to treat them as prisoners of war, an abrupt escalation in the Syrian conflict that entangled international peacekeepers for the first time.

Philippine officials said that 21 Filipino peacekeepers had been detained, calling their seizure illegal and demanding their release.

"The apprehension and illegal detention of the Filipino peacekeepers are gross violations of international law," Albert F. del Rosario, the foreign affairs secretary, said Thursday.

The Philippine government issued a statement saying that it was working with the United Nations and several nations including the United States "for the early and safe release of the Filipino peacekeepers."

"The Filipino peacekeepers are operating under the U.N. flag," the statement said. "These Filipinos are international personnel clothed with immunity and mantle of protection similar to diplomatic agents and personnel."

As the war in Syria has worsened, the Golan region has been periodically disrupted by armed clashes and occasional artillery or mortar bombardments that have become a source of concern to Israel. But United Nations officials said that members of the Golan peacekeeping mission, officially known as the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force, had never before been taken by any of the combatants in the conflict.

Josephine Guerrero, a spokeswoman for the department at the United Nations that oversees the Golan operation, said the peacekeepers were detained near an observation post that had been evacuated over the past weekend after what she called "heavy combat in proximity" in the southern part of the area they control. The peacekeepers, in a convoy of trucks, had returned to investigate damage to the post when they were taken by about 30 armed rebels.

Ms. Guerrero said that the peacekeeping mission was "dispatching a team to assess the situation and attempt a resolution," and that the Syrian authorities had been asked to help.

The Philippine government said the peacekeepers were "reported to be unharmed."

A video uploaded on YouTube by a group that identified itself as the Martyrs of Yarmouk claimed responsibility on Wednesday and said the peacekeepers would be held until Syrian government forces withdrew from the area around Al Jamlah, the site of the weekend clashes. The video does not show any of the captives, but United Nations vehicles are visible.

A speaker in the video warns in Arabic: "If the withdrawal does not take place within 24 hours, we will deal with those guys like war prisoners. And praise to God."

The threat underscored the widening risk that the Syria conflict is destabilizing the Middle East, and raised new concerns about the agendas of some Syrian insurgent groups, just as Western nations, including the United States, were grappling over whether to arm them.

The seizure of the peacekeepers was the second serious war-related Syria border problem this week. On Monday, more than 40 Syrian soldiers who had sought temporary safety in Iraq were killed in an ambush as the Iraqi military was transporting them back to the Syrian border. At the United Nations, Eduardo del Buey, a spokesman for Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, suggested that officials had long feared the possibility of harm to the peacekeepers. "As the secretary general has said repeatedly, the spillover effects of the Syrian crisis pose a danger to the region as a whole and to the countries and the areas in the neighboring states around it, and Undof is no exception," he said, using the acronym for the Golan peacekeeping mission. "They are in a zone where the spillover could be of consequence."

Ambassador Vitaly I. Churkin of Russia, which holds the monthly presidency of the Security Council for March, said that members had been briefed about the Golan situation but that he could provide no further information on what precisely had happened. Mr. Churkin, whose government is a main supporter of the Syrian government in the conflict and a strong critic of the armed rebels, urged the captors to release the peacekeepers immediately. "They should stop this very dangerous course of action," he told reporters.

Linking the Golan situation to the Iraq killings two days earlier, Mr. Churkin said: "Some people are trying very hard to extend the Syrian conflict. Today there is this incident. This is no man's land between Syria and Israel. Somebody is trying very hard to blow this crisis up."

With a force of 1,011 troops contributed by Austria, Croatia, India and the Philippines, the United Nations observer force in the Golan is responsible for maintaining the fragile calm between Israeli and Syrian troops at the demilitarized zone along Syria's Golan frontier, established after a cease-fire ended the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.

The detention of the peacekeepers came less than a week after Croatia announced it was withdrawing its soldiers from the Golan force, following reports that Croatia was selling weapons funneled to Syrian rebels by Saudi Arabia, a main supporter of the insurgency. The Croatian government denied the reports but said they had put the safety of its peacekeepers at risk. It is unclear which country or countries will replace the departing Croatians.

News of the peacekeepers' seizure came on a day of other precedents in the two-year Syrian conflict, which has left more than 70,000 people dead.

Antigovernment fighters battling military forces in the north-central city of Raqqa, where fighting has raged for days, released a video on YouTube corroborating their earlier claims that they had arrested the provincial governor and the provincial secretary general of President Bashar al-Assad's Baath Party, who activists said were the two highest-ranking Assad loyalists captured so far. The video showed both men seated uncomfortably on an ornate couch, apparently in the governor's palace, surrounded by insurgents.

Floyd Whaley reported from Manila, and Gerry Mullany from Hong Kong. Reporting was contributed by Rick Gladstone and Liam Stack from New York, Alan Cowell from London; Hania Mourtada from Beirut, Lebanon; David D. Kirkpatrick from Cairo; and Nick Cumming-Bruce from Geneva.

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News A Driver’s Deeds Fail to Match Her Words

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A Driver's Deeds Fail to Match Her Words
Mar 7th 2013, 01:16

Tia Norfleet in a photo from her Web site. The only sanctioned race she has entered, racing officials said, was a low-level event last year.

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — Nascar, which has long struggled to develop minority and female participants, seemed to have a barrier-breaking athlete in its ranks in recent years: Tia Norfleet, a 20-something driver from Georgia. With a savvy marketing campaign, Norfleet garnered attention in several national publications while promoting her accomplishments as the first African-American woman to race in Nascar.

Tia Norfleet's official Web site indicated that she intended to compete in a full schedule this season in Nascar's Nationwide Series.

The aspiring racecar driver Tia Norfleet.

A booking shot of Shauntia Norfleet.

In speaking engagements with students and in news media interviews, Norfleet has for several years portrayed herself as an accomplished driver in the sport. She has sought sponsorships and  has a PayPal account on her Web site, which includes articles and videos about her achievements.

Her Web site, Tianorfleet34.com, indicates that she intends to compete in a full schedule this season in Nascar's Nationwide Series, one rung below the top-tier Sprint Cup series.

But Norfleet is not licensed to compete at that level. In fact, the only sanctioned race that Norfleet has entered, according to the sport's officials, was a low-level event last year at the Motor Mile Speedway in Radford, Va., where she completed one lap before driving onto pit road and parking her racecar.

The discrepancy between Norfleet's auto racing accomplishments and her public comments, as well as apparent legal issues revealed in court documents, have drawn objections from racing officials.

"I am uncomfortable with Tia representing herself in the way that she has," said Marcus Jadotte, Nascar's vice president for public affairs and multicultural development.

When asked Monday about the nature of her competitive career, Norfleet said: "I've been racing in nonsanctioned races before. I've been racing forever. For as long as I can remember. I race in nonsanctioned races."

For the past four years, Norfleet has purchased a license to race at the lowest level of stock-car racing. There is no vetting process for such a license; individual racetracks must approve drivers for competition.

To move up to a higher level of competition — a regional touring series like the K&N Pro Series East or the K&N Pro Series West — a driver must earn approval from Nascar. Norfleet has not done that yet.

Meanwhile, publications and Web sites like The Washington Post, The Huffington Post and ESPN have heralded her ascent. "Ms. Norfleet is one of thousands of individuals who have purchased licenses in the Late Model Division of our sport," Jadotte said in an e-mail. "I am uncomfortable with attempts Ms. Norfleet and her representatives have made to forgo the sport's development process."

Nascar officials said they were also concerned with questions about Norfleet's legal record. Public records indicate that Tia Norfleet's full name is Shauntia Latrice Norfleet, and that she has a criminal record in Virginia and Georgia. (No public records were found with the name Tia Norfleet.) According to her Web site, her hometown is Augusta, Ga.

Court records show that in 2005 and 2009, Norfleet was found guilty of assault and drug-related offenses. Norfleet did not deny having a criminal record.

"People make mistakes in their life and move forward and make a better way," she said in a telephone interview. "I think things that I've done, people make mistakes, as a child, as a teen, and basically, it's things that you may not be proud of but you move forward and you help others. And they may be in the same situation and you can relate and they can relate to you, and you help them as much as possible."

Bobby Norfleet, Tia's father and a former racecar driver, later said that her comments were not an admission that she was involved in a crime. "Somebody's got something wrong," he said. "Somebody's going to eventually have to write a retraction."

According to public records, Norfleet is 26 years old. Some news reports earlier this year said she was 24. Tia and Bobby Norfleet refused to confirm her birth date.

According to a news release distributed by Platinum Sports Entertainment Group, Norfleet is now a good-will ambassador for the National African American Drug Policy Coalition Inc. She was also the safe driving spokeswoman for the SafeTeen Georgia Driving Academy at Atlanta Motor Speedway in May.

One of the first public mentions of a Tia Norfleet appears to be in a news release in January 2010, a month after Shauntia Norfleet's conviction in Lincoln County, Ga., for crossing a guard line at a jail with contraband and possession of marijuana.

The release announced Tia Norfleet as "the first and only African-American female driver in Nascar and Arca," and said she had signed to be represented by Platinum Sports Entertainment Group.

At that time, Norfleet had not raced for Nascar or Arca, another auto racing organization in the United States.

The only sanctioned race that Norfleet entered, according to the sport's officials, was the late-model stock-car event held at the Motor Mile Speedway in Radford, Va. Norfleet started the first of two Twin 100s races and was credited with completing one lap.

One driver in that field said he was not surprised that Norfleet did not stay in the race for more than a lap. Tommy Lemons Jr., who drove the No. 27 car in that race, said he had watched Norfleet practice the day before and was among several drivers who decided not to go on the racetrack at the same time.

"She was extremely slow, just kind of in the way almost," Lemons said. "We decided not to go out on the racetrack any time she was out there just to keep from anything possibly happening."

Jason Grant, marketing manager for Purview Creative Strategy and Design, based in Bridgewater, N.J., built a Web site for Norfleet. He said he used his own company advertisements on the site as "placemats" for potential sponsors. When Grant was informed Tuesday of Norfleet's past, he pulled his ads from the site.

Norfleet had indicated that she planned to race in an Arca event at Daytona International Speedway last month. But she had not completed an application to race for Arca; had not bought an Arca license; and had not participated in a test at Daytona in December, which was required to race there.

"Our position in the industry is we're trying to keep that open-door policy for an aspiring driver and we try to err on the side of opportunity," Arca's president, Ron Drager, said. Because Norfleet had not completed the evaluation to be allowed to race, he said, "it would be inaccurate for her to say that she's an Arca driver."

Norfleet's Web site indicates that she plans to race a full schedule this season in the Nationwide Series, but she is not licensed to compete at that level.

"My immediate goal is to become a Nationwide driver," Norfleet said when asked about her plans and the schedule on her site. "And we're out here every day building my driving skills and everything else so that I can reach that goal this year."

Ray Glier contributed reporting from Augusta, Ga. Jack Styczynski contributed research from New York.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 7, 2013, on page B11 of the New York edition with the headline: A Breakthrough Driver's Deeds Fail to Match Her Words.

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News A Leader’s Cry in Venezuela: ‘I Am Chávez’

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A Leader's Cry in Venezuela: 'I Am Chávez'
Mar 7th 2013, 02:41

Carlos Garcia Rawlins/Reuters

Vice President Nicolás Maduro on Wednesday consoled a supporter of President Hugo Chávez.

CARACAS, Venezuela — In the weeks leading up to his mentor's death, Vice President Nicolás Maduro's imitations of President Hugo Chávez became ever more apparent.

Nicolás Maduro

He has taken on many of Mr. Chávez's vocal patterns and speech rhythms, and has eagerly repeated the slogan "I am Chávez" to crowds of supporters. He has mimicked the president's favorite themes — belittling the political opposition and warning of mysterious plots to destabilize the country, even implying that the United States was behind Mr. Chávez's cancer.

He has also adopted the president's clothes, walking beside his coffin in an enormous procession on Wednesday wearing a windbreaker with the national colors of yellow, blue and red, as Mr. Chávez often did.

But now that Mr. Chávez is gone, the big question being raised here is whether Mr. Maduro, his chosen successor, will continue to mirror the president and his unconventional governing style — or veer off in his own direction.

"He can't just stand there and say 'I am the Mini-Me of Chávez and now you have to follow me,' " said Maxwell A. Cameron of the University of British Columbia in Vancouver.

The puzzlement over what sort of leader Mr. Maduro will prove to be extends to Washington, where American policy makers have been feeling out Mr. Maduro for months, years even, to determine whether he might provide an opening for closer ties between the two nations.

American officials say Mr. Chávez, despite his very public denunciations of Washington, worked behind the scenes to keep trade relations between the two countries, especially in the oil sector, strong. They recalled how Mr. Chávez once picked up the phone and dialed an American diplomat to talk policy, an odd move for a leader who more than once barred American ambassadors from Caracas and regularly denounced Washington and its leaders, sometimes using barnyard epithets. "The United States needs to fix this," Mr. Chávez said during the call, which concerned the ouster of the Honduran president in 2009. "You are the only ones who can."

Beneath the bluster, American diplomats and analysts said, Mr. Chávez could be a pragmatist, albeit a sometimes bombastic one, and they hope Mr. Maduro will prove to be even more of one.

"I know Nicolás Maduro well," said William D. Delahunt, a former Massachusetts member of Congress. "I know he's a pragmatist."

The United States reached out to Mr. Maduro last November to gauge interest in improving the relationship. He responded positively, and the two nations held three informal meetings in Washington, the last one taking place after it was clear that Mr. Chávez's condition was severe, American officials said.

The Venezuelans wanted to once again exchange ambassadors, but Washington insisted on smaller steps to build trust, and it seemed that a tentative plan was in place, American officials said. But then the talks stalled this year and have not resumed, leaving American officials wondering about Mr. Maduro's true intentions toward the United States.

"Maduro is just beginning to govern and create his own identity," a State Department official said. "I don't believe we had ever concluded one way or another whether he was a moderating influence. Our effort to reach out and create a more productive relationship was not based on a belief that he would be easier to deal with necessarily."

Most diplomats and political analysts agree that the start of the post-Chávez landscape looked bleak; Mr. Maduro accused the United States of plotting against the country and expelled two American military attachés. But some observers saw the moves as an overtly calculated — one analyst called it "inelegant" — attempt by Mr. Maduro to unify a traumatized country bracing for Mr. Chávez's death, appeal to the president's supporters and propel his own chances of winning an election to succeed him.

"Maduro has to be careful about every step he takes, and every word he utters about the United States," said one senior American official who is closely watching developments here. "How he is going to handle that pressure is the big unknown. We're about to find out."

One past sign of Mr. Maduro's willingness to listen to critics — which was not one of Mr. Chávez's strong points — was his attendance at meetings with members of the Venezuelan opposition that were held in the United States after a 2002 coup that briefly removed Mr. Chávez. The sessions were organized by Mr. Delahunt and took place in Hyannis Port, Mass., prompting participants to call themselves "El Grupo de Boston."

But more recently Mr. Maduro has shown himself as a hard-liner, lashing out at his political enemies and lambasting Henrique Capriles Radonski, the state governor he will probably face in the election, for his recent trip to New York.

Among oil executives and analysts, there was cautious optimism that Mr. Chávez's death could soften the hostility his government had toward foreign investment in exploration and refining. "It makes sense that Maduro will be more pragmatic to get the country going," said Jorge R. Piñon, former president of Amoco Oil Latin America. He said he had talked with several oil executives and come away surprised by their optimism.

"Industry executives believe that there is a high probability that a Maduro administration will be a bit more realistic on what is needed to increase the country's oil production," Mr. Piñon added, "and change the investment model to attract more foreign investment."

On the streets, the vast majority of Chávez supporters say they will vote for Mr. Maduro, often for the simple reason that Mr. Chávez told them to before he succumbed to cancer. At the procession on Wednesday, some actually chanted as the coffin passed, "Chávez, I swear it, I will vote for Maduro!"

But there are some Chávez loyalists who say they are unhappy with Mr. Maduro, at times for reasons that illuminate the drawbacks inherent in his political mimicry.

In the eastern city of Cumaná on Wednesday, some ardent Chávez supporters said they found Mr. Maduro's constant attacks on the political opposition too jarring — a startling assertion, since Mr. Maduro uses virtually identical language to the phrases popularized by Mr. Chávez, repeating the same insults and put-downs, calling his opponents "good-for-nothings" and accusing them of selling out the country to the United States.

But coming from Mr. Maduro, the same words seem to have a different impact.

"I don't like Maduro because I feel that he does things that incite hatred, which is not a revolutionary feeling," said Luis Marcano, 67, an unemployed cook in Cumaná.

Mr. Maduro, whose father was involved in left-wing politics, became a political activist as a young man, joining a group called the Socialist League, traveling to Cuba at one point for political training. Back in Caracas, he took a job as a bus driver and then shifted to union activities.

Eventually, he became involved with Mr. Chávez, who staged a failed coup in 1992. Mr. Maduro fought to have Mr. Chávez released from prison and then worked on his first presidential campaign in 1998. He became a legislator and then president of the National Assembly.

He later served six years as Mr. Chávez's foreign minister before he was named vice president after the president's re-election in October.

During that long career by Mr. Chávez's side, Mr. Maduro earned a reputation as an agile survivor of the inner circle, where absolute loyalty was a prerequisite. He was seen by many as a yes-man who kept his position by hewing closely to his boss and taking care not to outshine or contradict him.

"Nicolás Maduro is a soldier that has to obey orders, just like any other," said Rommel Salazar, 40, a teacher and musician in Cumaná. "I will vote for him because I must obey Chávez's instructions."

But he added a warning, saying that if Mr. Maduro does not adhere to the line set by Mr. Chávez, his followers will hold him accountable. "He will have nailed himself to the cross," Mr. Salazar said.

William Neuman reported from Caracas, and Ginger Thompson from New York. Reporting was contributed by Lizette Alvarez from Miami; María Iguarán from Cumaná, Venezuela; Clifford Krauss from Houston; and Simon Romero from Caracas.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 7, 2013, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: A Leader's Cry In Venezuela: 'I Am Chávez' .

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News Ad Campaigns Fight It Out Over Meaning of ‘Jihad’

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Ad Campaigns Fight It Out Over Meaning of 'Jihad'
Mar 7th 2013, 01:18

The Struggle for Jihad: Two opposing groups battle to define the word jihad on public buses and subways.

CHICAGO — There is an advertising war being fought here — not over soda or car brands but over the true meaning of the word "jihad."

Ahlam Mahmood, a native of Iraq now living in Chicago, took part in an advertising campaign that promotes a peaceful meaning of the word "jihad."

Ahmed Rehab, the founder of the campaign that promotes a peaceful meaning of the word "jihad."

Schoolchildren posed for a group photo for Mr. Rehab's campaign.

An ad from the American Freedom Defense Initiative.

Backing a continuing effort that has featured billboards on the sides of Chicago buses, the local chapter of a national Muslim advocacy group, the Council on American-Islamic Relations, has been promoting a nonviolent meaning of the word — "to struggle" — that applies to everyday life.

Supporters say jihad is a spiritual concept that has been misused by extremists and inaccurately linked to terrorism, and they are determined to reclaim that definition with the ad campaign, called My Jihad.

"My jihad is to stay fit despite my busy schedule," says a woman in a head scarf lifting weights in an ad that started running on buses in December. "What's yours?"

But last month another set of ads, with a far different message, started appearing on buses here.

Mimicking the My Jihad ads, they feature photos and quotations from figures like Osama bin Laden and Faisal Shahzad, who tried to set off a car bomb in Times Square in 2010. "Killing Jews is worship that draws us closer to Allah," says one ad, attributing the quotation to a Hamas television station. They end with the statement: "That's his jihad. What's yours?"

The leader of the second ad campaign, Pamela Geller, executive director of the pro-Israel group American Freedom Defense Initiative, has criticized the original My Jihad ads as a "whitewashed version" of an idea that has been used to justify violent attacks around the world.

"The fact that some Muslims don't associate jihad with violence does not cancel out that so many do," Ms. Geller said. "I will go toe to toe in this matter because it's an attempt to disarm the American people."

The debate started last year when Ms. Geller's organization submitted a pro-Israel advertisement for the New York subway system that used the word "savage" to describe opponents of the Jewish state, stirring outrage in Muslim communities.

The Metropolitan Transportation Authority rejected the ads, citing its policy against "demeaning" language, but a federal judge overruled the agency, saying it had violated the group's First Amendment rights.

The signs went up in September and read: "In any war between the civilized man and the savage, support the civilized man. Support Israel. Defeat Jihad."

Ahmed Rehab, the executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations' Chicago office, said he was surprised that the New York case focused only on the word "savage," not jihad — an indication, he said, that the Muslim community needed to be more active about promoting a more peaceful interpretation of its beliefs.

"Unfortunately we have witnessed in front of our very eyes a central tenet of our faith essentially become tarnished," Mr. Rehab said of the controversy, adding, "I was tired of hearing fathers tell their children, you know, 'Don't say jihad over the phone. Don't say jihad in public.' "

He took to Facebook, posting a childhood story about his bedridden grandmother, who had once described coping with her ailing health as "my jihad." He started raising money, held meetings in living rooms and started the campaign in December with ads that ran on 25 buses in Chicago. The ads have since spread to buses and subway billboards in San Francisco and Washington.

"Loving a challenge, loving a jihad if you will, I wanted to take this on," Mr. Rehab said.

David Cook, professor of Islamic studies at Rice University, said that the term jihad had for centuries been associated with "God-sanctioned violence," but that progressive Muslim groups have been talking about peaceful interpretations since the late 1800s. While he was unaware of other public relations campaigns focusing on the word jihad before Mr. Rehab's, Professor Cook said the push fit into a larger concerted effort by Muslim groups to explain aspects of their religion to the broader American public since the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

The word has shown up regularly in anti-Muslim posts on Ms. Geller's blog, Atlas Shrugs. An outspoken activist, she is perhaps best known for opposing the building of a mosque and Islamic cultural center near ground zero in New York. At the time, Ms. Geller accused leaders of the project of being "stealth jihadists," a favorite phrase.

When Mr. Rehab's campaign began with a Web site, Myjihad.org, Ms. Geller bought the domain name Myjihad.us. After Mr. Rehab sent a cease-and-desist letter claiming copyright infringement, Ms. Geller altered her ad designs slightly, changing the color and a few words. Her ads went up on 10 Chicago buses in late February.

Ms. Geller has called her campaign an attempt to show "the reality of jihad and the root causes of terrorism from the words of jihadists themselves." She is also not shy about her suspicions of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, known as CAIR, which has been a target of scrutiny from Congressional Republicans in the past.

While CAIR's Chicago chapter has helped support the project, Mr. Rehab said My Jihad was established as its own nonprofit, with fund-raising and volunteers that are independent from the national Muslim organization.

Beyond the legal maneuverings, it is the tenor of Ms. Geller's advertisements that has drawn the sharpest criticism.

"It's a further message of intolerance, furthering the flames that are currently out there between all different communities," said Lonnie Nasatir, Midwest regional director of the Anti-Defamation League.

Heidi Beirich, who tracks hate groups at the Southern Poverty Law Center, which has listed Ms. Geller's blog since 2009, said her ads subscribe "bad motives to all Muslims."

"It's rejecting the idea that American Muslims can have different interpretations of their religion," she said.

At a photo shoot last month, on the 15th floor of a skyscraper in downtown Chicago, volunteers posing for My Jihad advertisements spoke briefly about their individual struggles. For some children, it was bullies at school. One man said he wanted to lose weight. An Iraqi refugee had started a new life as a single mother in America. Those ads are expected to be released in the next couple of months, though no dates or locations have been set.

Ms. Geller, whose ads went up in Washington this week and are scheduled to appear on buses in San Francisco on Monday, said that she was willing to buy more around the country if she felt it was necessary, and that she had no intention of backing down any time soon.

"I'll be honest with you," she said. "If CAIR is running them longer, I will run them longer."

A version of this article appeared in print on March 7, 2013, on page A15 of the New York edition with the headline: Using Billboards To Stake Claim Over 'Jihad' .

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News For Columbia Students, Nutella in a Dining Hall May Be Too Tempting

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For Columbia Students, Nutella in a Dining Hall May Be Too Tempting
Mar 7th 2013, 02:10

This has all the makings of a tempest in a Nutella jar, which may not be as appealing as a Nutella milkshake, Nutella fudge or Nutella-stuffed French toast. Or stolen Nutella, which, apparently, has mouthwatering appeal at Columbia University.

Last month one of Columbia's undergraduate dining halls began serving Nutella every day, not just in crepes on weekends. For the uninitiated, Nutella is a creamier-than-peanut-butter, chocolate hazelnut spread from Italy that a college student might eat a whole jar of in a single sitting when the pressure is on.

The problem was that the Columbia students went through jars and jars of Nutella — at least 100 pounds a day, according to a freshman member of the Columbia College Student Council who had urged the university's Dining Services operation to provide it in the first place. Apparently they were not just eating it in the dining hall. They were spiriting it away in soup containers and other receptacles, to be eaten later.

For Dining Services, the unexpected demand was an unexpected expense. And before you could say chocolate-covered Nutella marshmallow cookies, the council member, Peter Bailinson, heard from Vicki Dunn, the executive director of Dining Services. The subject was how much Nutella students were taking back to their dorms, or wherever they were taking it, and how much all that Nutella was costing.

"People take silverware, cups and plates, and that adds up over the course of a year to a lot of money," he said. "With Nutella, it added up much more quickly. Where Dining might have to spend $50,000 to replace silverware and cups, they were spending thousands of dollars on Nutella in one week."

Ms. Dunn "told me it was close to $5,000 in that first week," he said. As for the amount of Nutella that Columbia students were consuming, or at least loading up on and walking away with, he said, "I was told it was more than 100 pounds per day."

How much more? "That was all I got," he said.

Before hanging up on a reporter who called on Wednesday, Ms. Dunn said: "I'm not allowed to comment on anything. You have to go through university communications."

A spokeswoman declined to comment on the Nutella situation at Columbia. She said that numbers quoted in The Columbia Daily Spectator — and repeated by Mr. Bailinson in a telephone interview on Wednesday — were "speculative and inaccurate" and that the cost figures were "roughly 10 times greater than the actual figures."

Nutella is widely available on school campuses, though precise figures could not be obtained. It was also unclear whether Nutella hoarding had become a financial concern on other campuses.

It was clear that Nutella was not the only thing that was disappearing from the dining halls at Columbia. Of 11 students questioned on the campus on Wednesday, all confessed to having spirited away loaves of bread and bottles of ketchup, not to mention containers of milk and pieces of fruit. But while those 11 said they had never walked out with extra Nutella, others had firsthand stories from the Nutella wars up close. Kathryn Thayer, a senior, said her time as a resident assistant in a dorm had included women "complaining about their roommates' finishing their Nutella jars."

And Jeff Desroches, a junior, said he had made off with Nutella — enough to last all day — when he was stressed out before final exams.

"Usually," he said, "people apply peanut butter on one slice of the bread and Nutella on the other slice, but I apply thick layers of Nutella to both slices of the bread."

The brouhaha went public on Feb. 22, when Mr. Bailinson wrote a message on a Facebook page for Columbia freshmen.

"I posted it trying to get people to be aware of why Dining charges as much as it charges for things," he said. "I was saying that when people take more than they're eating for that one meal, that takes away money Dining could spend on improving the dining experience. My original post said please don't take more than you need at one meal or we're not going to get more of these cool products. That got interpreted as Dining is going to take away Nutella because we're using it so much."

Soon freshmen who were fast with figures were complaining that Nutella from a discount store like Costco would cost less than Columbia was paying for it. "They took the 100 pounds and used it as a hard fact" in doing math on the Facebook page, Mr. Bailinson said. "I quickly commented, 'More than 100 pounds was a rough guess, I don't have the hard figures.' "

Mr. Bailinson, who said he liked to spread Nutella on sandwiches, had his own explanation for why the Nutella issue had caught on.

"It combines three things people at Columbia love: People love Nutella, people love complaining about the dining halls and people feel there's a problem with how the administration handles things," he said. "This Nutella situation is a perfect storm of all these interests coming together."

Priyanka Borpujari and Morgan M. Davis contributed reporting.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 7, 2013, on page A23 of the New York edition with the headline: On Campus, Costly Target Of Brazen Thefts: Nutella .

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News The Caucus: Rand Paul Does Not Go Quietly Into the Night

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The Caucus: Rand Paul Does Not Go Quietly Into the Night
Mar 7th 2013, 03:42

10:28 p.m. | Updated WASHINGTON — A small group of Republicans, led by Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, stalled the Senate on Wednesday by waging a nine-hours-and-counting, old-school, speak-until-you-can-speak-no-more filibuster over the government's use of lethal drone strikes — forcing the Senate to delay the expected confirmation of John O. Brennan to lead the Central Intelligence Agency.

Mr. Paul, who opposes Mr. Brennan's nomination, followed through on his plan to filibuster the confirmation of President Obama's nominee after receiving a letter this month from Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. that refused to rule out the use of drone strikes within the United States in "extraordinary circumstances" like the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

On Wednesday, Mr. Paul did exactly as promised, taking to the Senate floor shortly before noon and holding forth. As the filibuster moved toward its 10th hour, Mr. Paul and his comrades on the Senate floor showed no signs of wear.

Ostensibly, Mr. Paul is objecting to the Mr. Brennan's nomination. But in fact, Mr. Paul's main concerns are those of civil liberties and Constitutional rights he says are under attack by the administration's potential use of unmanned drone strikes on American citizens on United States soil. (Mr. Brennan, who as the White House counterterrorism adviser was the chief architect of the largely clandestine drone program, served as a good proxy.)

"What will be the standard for how we kill Americans in America?" Mr. Paul asked at one point. "Could political dissent be part of the standard for drone strikes?"

Referring to Jane Fonda, who went to North Vietnam during the war there to publicly denounce the United States' presence in the country, Mr. Paul added: "I'm not a great fan of Jane Fonda. But I'm not so interested in putting her on a drone kill list."

As Mr. Paul's filibuster dragged on, it began to resemble a Shakespearean drama, complete with cameos from other A-list actors (a group of more than half a dozen senators who periodically joined him on the floor); a title all its own (the "filiblizzard," a nickname courtesy of Twitter users); and some willing extras (eager Senate pages, purposefully striding across the stage to deliver Mr. Paul fresh glasses of water).

Although Mr. Paul did not yield the floor — a move that would effectively end his talkathon — he did, with some apparent relief, yield to take questions from his Republican colleagues. (Mr. Paul could not leave the floor to use the bathroom, making his filibuster at a certain point seem less a standoff between Mr. Paul and the administration than a battle between Mr. Paul and his own bladder.)

Senator Ted Cruz, Republican of Texas, began his question by making the obvious allusion, referring to Mr. Paul as a "modern-day 'Mr. Smith Goes to Washington,' " joking that his effort would "surely be making Jimmy Stewart smile."

And, perhaps befitting of another public — but hopeless — stand, Mr. Cruz took the opportunity to remind the chamber that Wednesday was the anniversary of the fall of the Alamo, noting with some pride that Mr. Paul "is originally from the great state of Texas."

Mr. Cruz then proceeded to read from a letter by William Barrett Travis, a lieutenant colonel in the Texas Army who died at the Alamo, concluding, "Does that glorious letter give you any encouragement and sustenance on this 177th anniversary of the Alamo?"

Apparently it did. Mr. Paul soldiered ahead, before again receiving some help, from an unlikely source — Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon.

Mr. Wyden said that while he had voted in favor of Mr. Brennan's nomination on Tuesday at a Senate Intelligence Committee meeting and planned to vote for him again on the Senate floor, he believed that Mr. Paul "has made a number of important points" about the administration's lethal drone program.

"I think Senator Paul and I agree that this nomination also provides a very important opportunity for the United States Senate to consider the government's rules and policies on the targeted killings of Americans and that, of course, has been a central pillar of our nation's counterterror strategy," Mr. Wyden said.

He added, "The executive branch should not be allowed to conduct such a serious and far-reaching program by themselves without any scrutiny, because that's not how American democracy works."

Up next was Senator Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, entering stage right, complete with a water joke — a reference to his State of the Union response, in which a video of a parched Mr. Rubio chugging water quickly went viral.

"You've been here for a while, so let me give you some advice," Mr. Rubio said. "Keep some water nearby. Trust me."

Other members who made cameos throughout the day — and night — included the Republican Senators John Barrasso of Wyoming; Saxby Chambliss of Georgia; John Cornyn of Texas; Mark Steven Kirk of Illinois; Mike Lee of Utah; and Jerry Moran of Kansas.

As the filibuster continued into the evening, Mr. Paul moved from speaking extemporaneously to relying more on two thick black binders of notes, heavily referencing and reading from articles in publications ranging from The Washington Post to The Wall Street Journal to Wired magazine.

At one point, Mr. Paul began eating "dinner" — a mystery candy bar — and continued his filibuster between mouthfuls of chocolate.

A bit later, Mr. Kirk, who walks with considerable effort after a stroke in 2012, slowly made his way onto the floor with the help of a walker. He placed a green thermos of tea and an apple on the desk of Mr. Paul, gestured to it, and saluted his colleague before talking a seat to watch some of the proceeding.

In the filibuster's seventh hour, it looked as if a compromise might be reached. Senator Richard J. Durbin, Democrat of Illinois and the No. 2 leader in the Senate, and some of his aides came to the floor, seeming ready to help wrap things up. Mr. Paul said he would agree to stop his nonstop talking if his colleagues would unanimously consent to a nonbinding vote on a resolution saying it is unconstitutional to kill an American on United States soil — a move to which Mr. Durbin objected. Mr. Durbin offered instead to hold a hearing on drone strikes, which Mr. Paul brushed aside.

And so, on it went.

Mr. Cruz then made a brief return for a second act of sorts, to read from a list of Twitter messages about Mr. Paul's stand that he had culled. Though electronic devices are not allowed on the Senate floor, Mr. Cruz informed his friend that Twitter was "blowing up" over the day's events.

"I was getting kind of tired," Mr. Paul said, thanking Mr. Cruz for "cheering me up."

Mr. Paul again said his true goal was simply to get a response from the administration saying it would not use drone strikes to take out American citizens on United States soil — and, perhaps with Twitter still in the forefront of his mind, offered Mr. Holder a variety of ways to respond.

"We'll take a telegram," Mr. Paul said. "We'll take a Tweet."

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News Michelle Harper, a Woman of Mystery

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Michelle Harper, a Woman of Mystery
Mar 6th 2013, 23:55

Elizabeth Lippman for The New York Times

Michelle Harper at New York Vintage, a Manhattan store. Her claim to what by any standards is an extremely provisional celebrity is an original and fantastical style of dressing.

It's definitively established that in the Age of Instagram and Twitter metrics, it is possible to become pretty darn famous for omnipresence. Case in point: Michelle Harper, an eccentric and modish figure whose image over the last several years has seemed to be everywhere, in both real life and, possibly more important, in the parallel universe that is the Web.

Here she is at the CFDA awards, wearing a nipple-baring sheath by the designer Christian Cota; here at the New Yorkers for Children "A Fool's Fete" benefit in a chiffon ball dress with what look like crow-feather sleeves; here at the "Scatter My Ashes at Bergdorf's" screening and after-party in a strapless brocade fishtail gown right out of Barbie's closet; here in a plank-shouldered suit, arm in arm with the Brant brothers, the party-hopping socialites. And here she is again during New York Fashion Week, wearing a blue fur chubby and perched in the front row of designers like Zac Posen and Prabal Gurung. They are among those who increasingly court a woman now considered one of the top 10 "gets" at an event where, as Nadine Johnson, the seasoned New York publicist, says, an element of "social or hipster" is desired.

"When people say, give me the DNA of cool," Ms. Johnson said, "Michelle Harper is always on the list."

Her genuinely original and fantastical style of dressing is Ms. Harper's claim to what by any standards is an extremely provisional celebrity. Over the last five years, she has made herself so ubiquitous a subject of the photographers clustered on street corners and outside fashion-show tents that she was finally forced to reverse herself and declare "street style so over." During roughly that same period, Nicola Formichetti, creative director of Mugler and a frequent collaborator of that other arch-image manipulator, Lady Gaga, cast Ms. Harper in an Elle video series titled "The New Muse." In 2012, Vanity Fair named her to its Best Dressed List. She was in a category appropriately designated the Originals.

"She has made herself into a kind of ambulatory work of art," Amy Fine Collins, a fashion expert and Vanity Fair special correspondent, said of Ms. Harper. "With the passage of time she has pushed it a little further and further, been more experimental and at the same time extremely polished and not clownish."

Yet who is Michelle Harper? And why do so many people suddenly find themselves fascinated by a 35-year-old businesswoman and brand consultant, a former club kid who once went by the name of Cutie Pie? Is she the endpoint of the overworked Warhol dictum, living out the final seconds of her 15 minutes through a camera's lens? Is she a shrewd brand builder claiming our collective attention with madcap sartorial antics? Is she a modern-day Holly Golightly? Or is she the spiritual heir of Sylvia Miles, that notorious '70s party hound renowned for showing up anywhere someone put a potato chip on a windowsill?

"The No. 1 thing I get labeled quite often is socialite," said the woman in question. "And I'm not. I'm a hard-working girl who may be dressed and out a lot and outspoken, but I'm not in some bubble. There's no money tree shaking down on me."

She says she is a brand adviser whose nondisclosure agreements prevent her from naming her clients, though she does consult for Tata Harper, a beauty line owned by her sister-in-law. Her indifferent employment history also includes a stint at Martha Stewart Living Omnimedia.

On a chilly winter morning, the two of us are seated in the lobby of the Mercer Hotel. Ms. Harper's geisha-pale face is reddened at the cheeks with large rouge dots and by a slash of matte lipstick on her Kewpie doll mouth. She is dressed in what is for her a restrained manner, dark hair tucked under a vintage Thierry Mugler turban and, beneath a voluminous black Yohji Yamamoto coat, a Uniqlo Heattech turtleneck tucked into men's tuxedo trousers hemmed as shorts.

She is wearing black stockings, black Céline platforms and a pair of supersize glasses from L. A. Eyeworks that might have lent her some resemblance to Mr. Peepers were it not for the leopard-print frames. ("I love bold clothing," she said.) She is as fine-boned as a bird and so notably thin it is hardly surprising the granola she orders for breakfast — after stating "I'm starving" — goes mostly untouched. Like many New Yorkers, Michelle Harper is hungry for everything but food.

Raised alternately in Manhattan and in the coastal Colombian city of Barranquilla, where her grandfather was a noted modernist architect, Ms. Harper was no child of privilege, she said. "I didn't come from some pampered background." Sipping from a bowl of camomile tea, she added: "My parents came from nothing and started at the bottom. That is another huge misconception about me."

Her father, Henry Harper, and stepfather, Frederico Sève, are both art dealers. Her mother, after working her way up through the ranks at J. P. Morgan, founded Violy & Company, a prominent advisory firm that guides companies, many in Latin America, on growth strategies.

While the Sèves inhabit a 2,100-square-foot triplex overlooking the Museum of Natural History, the apartment in which Michelle Harper was raised was a modest one just down the street from Studio 54. "I could lie in my bunk bed and hear the music thumping through the wall," Ms. Harper said.

Her parents, as their fortunes rose, sent Ms. Harper to the private Lycée Français de New York, the private Spence School and boarding school in Switzerland; her important instruction, she said, came by way of some flamboyant characters from a nearby roller rink. They congregated in the lobby of her building, friends of a doorman who took the preteen Ms. Harper on as his sidekick. "Basically, roller disco drag queens were my nannies," Ms. Harper said. "In my building it was Halloween every day."

That influence goes a long way toward explaining an aesthetic that flouts the conventional rules of dressing, one favoring ball gowns for any occasion and emphasizing outré exuberance that stands out amid the safe conformity of so much designer dressing.

"The best thing about her is that she looks like she's living in her own world, like she's always going to the Oscars," Mauricio Padilha, a partner in the fashion public relations firm Mao PR, said.

For Mr. Posen, it was clear from the moment he met Ms. Harper that he had encountered a collaborator with the flair and drive to "conquer New York through the power of dress." At early meetings in his studio, the two plotted out an image for her that he characterized as Erté meets Helena Rubinstein. If what they were planning was a form of elegant transvestism — a woman in drag as a woman — that suited Ms. Harper's worldview and her tastes.

"Wigstock was huge for me," Ms. Harper said, referring to the annual outdoor drag festival staged on Labor Day throughout the late '80s. "Those tribes taught me a lot. They taught me that living a life for the approval of others is not something I could ever do. I'm not interested in a khaki nation. You will never see me in sweats."

You will see her instead on the town wearing platter hats or vintage capes by Cristóbal Balenciaga or a studded rabbit mask by Heather Huey or hot pants once characterized as looking like a waffle-knit diaper. "Maybe some people just see me as a crazy person," Ms. Harper added with a shrug. "I can't control that. What I can do is wake up, see something in my mind and execute it."

Although her apartment on Sullivan Street was off limits to this reporter, she once showed it to Harper's Bazaar: "Michelle's wardrobe would make any woman (and their man) weep," a writer exclaimed. "It takes up the entire exterior wall of her living room. Left to right, floor to ceiling. Most of her clothes are vintage and organized per category: coats, day dresses, evening dresses, contemporary, shoes, jewelry, all dry-cleaned, stored in boxes, wrapped in tissue paper and/or polished. And the entire thing is seasonal too! Come spring everything will be shipped to storage."

"I didn't believe it myself until I saw it," said Jenny Shimizu, the former Calvin Klein model who, since the two met last year at a party given by the model Karen Elson, has been her inseparable companion and red-carpet arm piece. "It's like so many things about her," Ms. Shimizu said. "There are these misconceptions and generalizations that don't fit this person who is full of spirit and down-to-earthiness."

Before meeting Ms. Shimizu, Ms. Harper was linked to the filmmaker Daniel Leeb, sometimes inaccurately described in print as her husband.

"We met when we were 15," Mr. Leeb recently recalled. "We were both involved in N.Y.C. night life as teenagers. She was quite popular back then. We didn't really get together until the summer of '94, when we both ended up at the Rhode Island School of Design's summer program. That's where we got to know each other. It wasn't like we became fast friends. It was more like teenagers: 'You're annoying.' 'No, you're annoying.' 'Let's hang out.' "

Since those days, Mr. Leeb has had a front-row seat on Ms. Harper's transformation into a character now a staple on the Web site of Billy Farrell and Patrick McMullan, photographic chroniclers of the night. To be captured by their lenses is thought to be a sign of arrival, never mind the destination. To be photographed repeatedly by them, in an age of fame without particular purpose, is a verified sign of success.

"There's no question the Michelle people are familiar with in the fashion world, in terms of the blogs, the magazines, Billy Farrell, Patrick McMullan, is one specific performance-artist-based Michelle," Mr. Leeb said. "The Michelle I knew and was in a relationship with for so many years, who I loved dearly, was someone who was not one-dimensional. It's questionable as to whether there's a purpose to what she's doing now that will have any positive effect."

"I saw her during Fashion Week when I hadn't seen her in months," he added. "I saw her backstage at Cushnie and Ochs and tapped her on the shoulder and said, "Hey." Three minutes later, I got a tap on the shoulder and she gave me a big hug. It was bittersweet. Then I saw her again at the Y-3 show and she was in the front row and I didn't have a seat, and after the show was over, everyone on the runway was catching up and she ignored me completely. That hurt. It was, oh, yeah, back to reality. We're not backstage at Milk. We're at Y-3."

Unlike others similarly beloved of and besotted by fashion — the brewery heiress Daphne Guinness and the stylist Anna dello Russo spring to mind — women known to change outfits many times in a day, Ms. Harper considers herself a simple sort. "Nobody believes me, but I can dress in five minutes," she said.

"Clothes are not all I am, but being expressed and happy is a very important thing for me," said a woman whose current bedside reading, she explained in an e-mail, includes the works of the Buddhist nun Pema Chodron and "The Tibetan Book of Living and Dying" by Sogyal Rinpoche.

"It's about the dream," said Ms. Harper. "I get this image in my head of what I want to wear," she added, citing a mash-up ensemble envisioned for a recent party, one involving a T-shirt tucked into a Victorian skirt with a bustle, a Burberry punk rock studded bracelet and an antique Spanish comb pinned into her topknot. "It comes to me and I execute."

It works. While it was Ms. Harper's "fine sense of line, texture and balance" that made her an easy choice for inclusion on the list of the world's best-dressed people, as Ms. Collins of Vanity Fair said, what sends her paparazzi metrics rocketing is how she reads in pictures as a beacon of authentic individual style.

"The reality is, she was made to be photographed," Ms. Collins said.

A version of this article appeared in print on March 7, 2013, on page E1 of the New York edition with the headline: A Woman of Mystery.

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