News Track and Field Athletes Test Positive for Doping, Eight Years Later

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Track and Field Athletes Test Positive for Doping, Eight Years Later
Mar 8th 2013, 14:36

Six track and field athletes who competed at the 2005 world championships in Helsinki have been cited for doping after their samples were reanalyzed and found to contain banned substances, the sport's international governing body said Friday.

The athletes, from Russia and Belarus, include three gold and two silver medalists. Among them was Nadzeya Ostapchuk of Belarus, a shot putter who placed first. She had also been stripped of her gold medal at last summer's London Olympics after testing positive for an anabolic steroid after her event.

The hammer throw champions in 2005, Ivan Tsikhan of Belarus and Olga Kuzenkova of Russia, were also found to be doping, the international federation, I.A.A.F., said. The other athletes cited were Andrei Mikhnevich of Belarus (shot put), Vadim Devyatovskiy (hammer) of Belarus and Tatyana Kotova of Russia (long jump).

"The I.A.A.F.'s message to cheaters is increasingly clear that, with constant advancements being made in doping detection, there is no place to hide," the organization's president, Lamine Diack, said in a statement.

The I.A.A.F. did not say what banned substances were found in the re-examination. Antidoping officials keep samples for a minimum of eight years because that is the statute of limitations for retroactively banning an athlete for testing positive.

Officials said disciplinary procedures had begun against the six athletes, which could result in the stripping of their medals and suspensions from the sport.

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News U.S. Gains 236,000 Jobs; Unemployment at 4-Year Low

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U.S. Gains 236,000 Jobs; Unemployment at 4-Year Low
Mar 8th 2013, 13:37

Spencer Platt/Getty Images

Job applicants waited to speak to employer representatives at a Jewish community center in New York this week.

The American economy created jobs at a faster pace in February, adding 236,000 positions, the Labor Department reported Friday.

Jobs
Private
Rate
Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics

The unemployment rate was 7.7 percent, the lowest since December 2008, compared with 7.9 percent in January. Economists had been expecting the economy to add 165,000 jobs in February, with no movement in the rate.

After peaking at 10 percent in October 2009, the unemployment rate fell steadily for three years but has been stuck at just below 8 percent since last September.

The latest unemployment report comes amid concerns that federal budget cuts set in motion by a Congressional impasse could increase the ranks of the jobless in the months ahead.

Those cuts went into effect March 1, so they are not reflected in the data for February. But pressure on government payrolls was evident, with the public sector losing 10,000 jobs last month. Private employers added 246,000 positions.

The pace of hiring represents an acceleration from the previous four months, when the economy added jobs at a monthly rate of 190,000.

While that represents an improvement over the rate of job creation last summer, it is still well below the level necessary to bring down the unemployment rate substantially or reduce the ranks of the long-term jobless.

The budget cuts in Washington are expected to reduce federal unemployment benefits by about 10 percent. State benefits, which cover the first 26 weeks of unemployment in most states, will not be affected by the federal budget squeeze.

Dan Haney has worked occasionally since he was laid off from his job as a customer service representative two years ago, but lately the hunt for work has proved fruitless, and he is concerned about what would happen if his unemployment benefits were reduced.

"At this point, I have to take what comes down the pike," said Mr. Haney, who is 54 and lives in Philadelphia. "I'm on the computer every day looking for jobs."

A high school graduate, Mr. Haney has some computer training but lacks a college degree, which has made finding a job all the more difficult.

"Some of these entry-level jobs say college is preferred," Mr. Haney said. "Why do you need a college degree to answer a phone?"

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News The Professor, the Bikini Model and the Suitcase Full of Trouble

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The Professor, the Bikini Model and the Suitcase Full of Trouble
Mar 8th 2013, 12:00

In November 2011, Paul Frampton, a theoretical particle physicist, met Denise Milani, a Czech bikini model, on the online dating site Mate1.com. She was gorgeous — dark-haired and dark-eyed, with a supposedly natural DDD breast size. In some photos, she looked tauntingly steamy; in others, she offered a warm smile. Soon, Frampton and Milani were chatting online nearly every day. Frampton would return home from campus — he'd been a professor in the physics and astronomy department at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill for 30 years — and his computer would buzz. "Are you there, honey?" They'd chat on Yahoo Messenger for a while, and then he'd go into the other room to take care of something. A half-hour later, there was the familiar buzz. It was always Milani. "What are you doing now?"

Paul Frampton, a British physicist, in Devoto Prison, in Buenos Aires.

Frampton had been very lonely since his divorce three years earlier; now it seemed those days were over. Milani told him she was longing to change her life. She was tired, she said, of being a "glamour model," of posing in her bikini on the beach while men ogled her. She wanted to settle down, have children. But she worried what he thought of her. "Do you think you could ever be proud of someone like me?" Of course he could, he assured her.

Frampton tried to get Milani to talk on the phone, but she always demurred. When she finally agreed to meet him in person, she asked him to come to La Paz, Bolivia, where she was doing a photo shoot. On Jan. 7, 2012, Frampton set out for Bolivia via Toronto and Santiago, Chile. At 68, he dreamed of finding a wife to bear him children — and what a wife. He pictured introducing her to his colleagues. One thing worried him, though. She had told him that men hit on her all the time. How did that acclaim affect her? Did it go to her head? But he remembered how comforting it felt to be chatting with her, like having a companion in the next room. And he knew she loved him. She'd said so many times.

Frampton didn't plan on a long trip. He needed to be back to teach. So he left his car at the airport. Soon, he hoped, he'd be returning with Milani on his arm. The first thing that went wrong was that the e-ticket Milani sent Frampton for the Toronto-Santiago leg of his journey turned out to be invalid, leaving him stranded in the Toronto airport for a full day. Frampton finally arrived in La Paz four days after he set out. He hoped to meet Milani the next morning, but by then she had been called away to another photo shoot in Brussels. She promised to send him a ticket to join her there, so Frampton, who had checked into the Eva Palace Hotel, worked on a physics paper while he waited for it to arrive. He and Milani kept in regular contact. A ticket to Buenos Aires eventually came, with the promise that another ticket to Brussels was on the way. All Milani asked was that Frampton do her a favor: bring her a bag that she had left in La Paz.

While in Bolivia, Frampton corresponded with an old friend, John Dixon, a physicist and lawyer who lives in Ontario. When Frampton explained what he was up to, Dixon became alarmed. His warnings to Frampton were unequivocal, Dixon told me not long ago, still clearly upset: "I said: 'Well, inside that suitcase sewn into the lining will be cocaine. You're in big trouble.' Paul said, 'I'll be careful, I'll make sure there isn't cocaine in there and if there is, I'll ask them to remove it.' I thought they were probably going to kidnap him and torture him to get his money. I didn't know he didn't have money. I said, 'Well, you're going to be killed, Paul, so whom should I contact when you disappear?' And he said, 'You can contact my brother and my former wife.' " Frampton later told me that he shrugged off Dixon's warnings about drugs as melodramatic, adding that he rarely pays attention to the opinions of others.

On the evening of Jan. 20, nine days after he arrived in Bolivia, a man Frampton describes as Hispanic but whom he didn't get a good look at handed him a bag out on the dark street in front of his hotel. Frampton was expecting to be given an Hermès or a Louis Vuitton, but the bag was an utterly commonplace black cloth suitcase with wheels. Once he was back in his room, he opened it. It was empty. He wrote to Milani, asking why this particular suitcase was so important. She told him it had "sentimental value." The next morning, he filled it with his dirty laundry and headed to the airport.

Frampton flew from La Paz to Buenos Aires, crossing the border without incident. He says that he spent the next 40 hours in Ezeiza airport, without sleeping, mainly "doing physics" and checking his e-mail regularly in hopes that an e-ticket to Brussels would arrive. But by the time the ticket materialized, Frampton had gotten a friend to send him a ticket to Raleigh. He had been gone for 15 days and was ready to go home. Because there was always the chance that Milani would come to North Carolina and want her bag, he checked two bags, his and hers, and went to the gate. Soon he heard his name called over the loudspeaker. He thought it must be for an upgrade to first class, but when he arrived at the airline counter, he was greeted by several policemen. Asked to identify his luggage — "That's my bag," he said, "the other one's not my bag, but I checked it in" — he waited while the police tested the contents of a package found in the "Milani" suitcase. Within hours, he was under arrest.

Illustration by Wesley Allsbrook for The New York Times
Illustration by Wesley Allsbrook

Frampton was arrested at the Buenos Aires airport and
spent time in jail in Argentina awaiting trial.

I first met Frampton this past fall in the prison warden's office in Devoto, one of the few remaining old-style jails in Buenos Aires, so dilapidated that its windows stick open and rain leaks through the roof. It was September, the beginning of spring in the Southern Hemisphere, but there was still a chill in the air, and the prison heating system was down as usual.

"Hey Professor, have you won the Nobel yet?" a guard shouted as Frampton walked by. He was wearing a red Adidas tracksuit ("Adidas seems to have a franchise in Devoto," he said), running shoes and a tattered Barbour coat to keep warm. "This is the coat the royal family wears, it's for hunting," Frampton, who grew up in Britain, pointed out. "See, it has this pocket in the back where you can put a dead bird." Frampton had been in Devoto for eight months, awaiting trial on charges of transporting two kilos of cocaine into the country. He was housed not in a single cell but in a group pavilion with 80 men accused of drug dealing or smuggling, most of them from other Latin American countries. Frampton had had almost no experience with drugs in his life, apart from the occasional drink and a nicotine addiction (he'd given up smoking two years before). Now he was living with people who were not only well versed in the intricacies of the drug trade but regular users of marijuana and cocaine. The pavilion was often illuminated at night by little flames held under spoons, as inmates cooked paco, a cocaine paste similar to crack that is often made with kerosene and sulfuric acid. But there were good things about not being in a private cell, too. A number of the prisoners on the pavilion had their own TVs. On Sunday mornings, Frampton would turn on the classical-music station, Arpeggio, so he could listen for a few hours before others got up and switched the channel back to music videos. Whenever his case was reported on local news channels, pictures of Denise Milani would flash across the TV screen, eliciting catcalls and applause from the other prisoners.

"I'm a bit of a celebrity in here," Frampton said. From the moment of his arrest he had maintained that he was the victim of a scam — even if it didn't occur to him right away that the Milani with whom he was corresponding was not the real Milani — and he projected a sense that all that had happened to him was a mistake that would soon be resolved. Perfectly congenial, he kept punctuating my questions about his present predicament with "And after this, we'll get to physics, right?"

Finally, eyes burning with schoolboy enthusiasm, interrupted now and then by a spasmodic cough — he has a lung condition, which the smoke-filled prison air worsened — he talked me through what he called his "14 groundbreaking discoveries," which he had written out for me on a piece of notepaper. Frampton closed our interview half-seriously, half-impishly, with another kind of calculation: "I've co-authored with three Nobel laureates. Only 11 theoretical physicists have done that. Six out of those 11 have won Nobel Prizes themselves. Following this logic, I have a 55 percent chance of getting the Nobel."

Illustration by Wesley Allsbrook for The New York Times
Illustration by Wesley Allsbrook

How Frampton, who holds an endowed chair at the University of North Carolina and has been an adviser to the Department of Energy, ended up in Devoto appears at first to be a classic tale: a brilliant man of science gets into trouble as soon as he tries to navigate the real world. Since his arrest, he has certainly cultivated this notion, burnishing his wacky-scientist profile with lines like "That's my naïveté" and "My mind works in a strange way."

Those who know him well also portray him as a kind of idiot savant, someone who could have been easily duped by whoever was posing as Milani. "Women came later in Paul's life," says Richard Czerniawski, a chemist who was a student with Frampton at Oxford University and now lives in Buenos Aires. Frampton was married for the first time at age 50, to Anne-Marie Frampton, then 52, a Frenchwoman living in the United States, who calls herself a physics groupie: "I couldn't completely follow everything Paul said, because of the mathematics, of course, but either I could understand the words, or I could just listen to the music, the music of physics." The pair divorced in 2008 but are still on good terms. Anne-Marie describes her ex-husband as a very good scientist with the emotional age of a 3-year-old. "I was flabbergasted, flabbergasted but not surprised," she said, referring to the call she received from Frampton from Devoto prison. "Paul is a very experienced traveler, but that sentence, 'Don't take any luggage that doesn't belong to you,' he doesn't even hear that. He's in another world, an alternate universe."

One story about his search for a new wife certainly bolstered this view. Shortly after his divorce, Frampton, then 64, expressed concern about finding a wife between the ages of 18 and 35, which Frampton understood to be the period when women are most fertile. One particularly promising candidate was a young Chinese woman. After an extended e-mail correspond­ence, Frampton arranged to see her during a trip to China to visit another eminent scientist, but they met for only an hour, and "it didn't go anywhere." The next important contender appears to have been Milani. "He told me to look her up on the Internet," Dixon recalled. "I thought he was out of his mind, and I told him that. 'You're not talking to the real girl. Why would a young woman like that be interested in an old guy like you?' But he really believed that he had a pretty young woman who wanted to marry him." When I later asked Frampton what made him think that Milani was interested, he replied, "Well, I have been accused of having a huge ego."

Over the course of three and a half months, Frampton called my house 42 times from jail. He'd call to report the latest news. A "brilliant" op-ed he published in a Raleigh newspaper about the U.N.C. provost's "illegal" action — cutting off his salary without any due process — had succeeded in getting the provost fired. (The provost had granted Frampton 60 days of paid leave, then suspended his salary until he could resume his duties as a faculty member. Frampton sued the university, unsuccessfully, for his wages.) He was particularly pleased about the provost's dismissal, because the severance of his salary had had real repercussions. Apparently without savings, he was unable to afford a private lawyer and had to rely on an overburdened Argentine public defender. He'd given up his health insurance and risked losing his car and apartment in Chapel Hill. In Argentina, he scrambled to get the money he needed to buy himself decent food in prison and telephone cards, of which he might have as many as 30 in his pocket.

It turned out that the provost was stepping down voluntarily in June 2013 and would remain as a faculty member. Frampton didn't seem sheepish about having linked the provost's fate to his own. He was excited about something else now. The president of Harvard, he'd heard, had been given a memo about his case in hopes that she'd mention it to Argentina's president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, during Kirchner's visit to the university. "I think I've never been discussed by two such important people in my life," Frampton reflected. (Harvard's president never received any memo about Frampton, and she and Kirchner never did discuss his case.) Or he'd report, ever hopefully, that he'd be out on house arrest any day. (His Argentine public attorney, Ignacio Anitua, had requested that his client be placed on house arrest, given his age and his pulmonary ailment, but the request was still wending its way through official channels.) He asked me to bring him Gruyère, blue cheese, curry powder, chili pepper, notebooks, reading glasses and telephone cards, and he expressed frustration about the slow progress of his case. He was especially exasperated that the text messages on his confiscated cellphone from Jan. 20, the day of the bag exchange, had still not been handed over to his defense lawyer by the police, despite repeated requests. "It's clear from those messages that it was not my bag," he said. "That should be sufficient to exonerate me." (His public defender told me that the text messages were actually in his file but would never be enough to prove his innocence.)

One Monday, Frampton called three times. The first time was at 3 p.m. He was animated and talked at length about the "volatile situation" at the university, which had yet to reinstate his salary, despite letters of support from the Nobel laureate Sheldon Lee Glashow and from John C. Taylor, emeritus professor of physics at the University of Cambridge, among others. "Research institutions throughout the country are in jeopardy if a tenured professor of 30 years has his salary suddenly revoked without any due process," Frampton said. "This means that the jobs of tens of thousands of tenured professors are at risk."

Second call, 6 p.m.: Frampton reported that he was a month into his prison stay before his fellow prisoners managed to convince him that the woman he thought he'd been in touch with all this time had probably been a man impersonating her. The real Denise Milani was never accused of having a role in the drug smuggling and has no connection to Frampton. "The only real connection we have is through the international media," Frampton admitted. Milani, who was interviewed for The Daily Mail, expressed alarm about having her name associated with drug smugglers, fear for herself, her 12-year-old son and "sympathy" for the professor. "I feel sympathy for her, too," Frampton said. (Despite repeated attempts, Milani could not be reached for comment.)

Third call, 8 p.m.: "There could be retribution. I could be assassinated." He spoke about how he had overheard the dealers and smugglers he was now living with talking about what happens to drug mules who lose the stash. He said people had told him someone must have been watching him move around at the airport, so they knew what he looked like. "These thoughts keep me up at night."

Frampton is prone to seeing himself as the center of the action whatever the milieu. When he was growing up in Worcestershire, England, in what he describes as a "lower-middle-class family," his mother encouraged him to report his stellar grades to all the neighbors, a practice that may have led the young Frampton to confuse worldly laurels with love. At 18, he enrolled at Brasenose College, Oxford, obtaining his Ph.D. in 1968. He received a number of offers for postdocs, including one at Princeton and another at the University of Chicago. His advisers suggested he go to Chicago to work with the Japanese physicist Yoichiro Nambu. Nambu was an intellectual giant in the field, but Frampton's advisers may have had other reasons for steering Frampton his way. Nambu, who would go on to win the Nobel Prize in 2008, has, Frampton told me, "astonishingly no ego."

As Frampton tells it, his life is one unbroken line of impressive grades, advanced degrees and innumerable citations of his work in cosmology and physics. There is certainly much truth to this. "He has always been very inventive in thinking of new ideas extending and going beyond the standard model of particle physics," says Prof. Edward Witten of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. But then there is Frampton's tendency to transfer his professional accomplishments to his personal life. In what a fellow physicist described as a "very vain, very inappropriate" talk delivered on the 80th birthday of Murray Gell-Mann, a Nobel laureate in physics, Frampton veered into autobiography, recounting how his ability to multiply numbers in his head at 4 led him to see himself as "cleverer than Newton." This line became a refrain throughout the talk. Interspersed with the calculations and hypotheses were his Oxford grades, which, he said, showed that he, like Newton, was in the top 1 percentile for intelligence. Frampton insists that he was merely joking and that his sense of humor was misinterpreted as self-regard. Yet in many of my conversations with him, he seemed to cling to the idea of his own exceptionalism. During our first meeting, when I asked him what attracted him to Milani, he said, "Not to offend present company," referring to me and the representative from the penitentiary service, "but, to start with, she's in the top 1 percentile of how women look." And in an e-mail to Milani — or, rather, the fake Milani — Frampton wrote, "As these days tick by, and I think about it a lot, the more I realize that we are the perfect couple in all respects."

The strategy of Frampton's defense team was to present Frampton as a brilliant man out of touch with day-to-day life. They called in a psychologist, who pronounced him unusually gullible without, however, diagnosing a mental illness. The judges sent their own doctor, who declared Frampton normal. A total of three psychological evaluations were presented at the trial, and two agreed that he had the traits of a narcissistic personality — an overblown and unrealistic image of himself. One concluded that it did not constitute a pathology, while the other suggested that there were pathological aspects to his narcissism that led to gaps in his understanding of reality.

Fidel Schaposnik, a physics professor at the National University of La Plata, which, along with the University of Buenos Aires, had offered Frampton a visiting professorship to help get him released from Devoto while he awaited trial, said of Frampton: "He's a typical person trained at Oxford. He knows he's part of an elite and can't imagine such things would happen to him." Indeed, Frampton sees academia's denizens as creative misfits who deserve special protection. "People who are socially inept can nevertheless be the most creative people," he told me one afternoon on the telephone. "It's very important that they can't be fired. This is the genius of tenure."

There had been a case similar to Frampton's in the past year, that of a New Zealander named Sharon Armstrong. Like Frampton, Armstrong, a former executive at the Maori Language Commission, said she met her lover on an Internet dating site and, after months of online contact, made a plan to meet him abroad, passing through Buenos Aires on her way to London to pick up some important paper contracts for him. She was caught carrying a bag with five kilos of cocaine. After the two were mentioned together in a number of articles, Armstrong contacted Frampton. The judges in her case — she received a sentence of 4 years 10 months — were also going to be the judges in his.

According to Rusty Payne, a spokesman for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, if Frampton and Armstrong were unaware of their involvement, they would be the exception. He had never heard of a case in which a virtual "honey trap" had been used to dupe someone into being an unwitting drug mule. "When it comes to drug trafficking, we rarely see someone duped or used as part of a ruse," he said. "It is very typical for those arrested to claim no knowledge or involvement." The prosecutor in Frampton's case, Mario Villar — 80 percent of his cases involve drug smuggling — concurred. It is highly improbable, he said, that a person is unaware that he or she is carrying drugs. Frampton acknowledged that this was undoubtedly true — most of the time. Of the other 79 prisoners on his pavilion, he thought none were innocent. "Some people will say they're innocent, but when I talk to them further, it becomes clear that they were somehow involved. I think people like me are less than 1 percent."

Three weeks before his trial, Frampton hired private lawyers. When I asked how he was able to afford them, he first said he'd rather not tell me, then claimed that friends in Argentina were footing the bill. The new lawyers picked up where his public defenders left off, yet at a significantly accelerated pace. On Oct. 30, I spoke to Frampton as he was driving away from Devoto, accompanied by his friend, Czerniawski, who had agreed to take Frampton in on house arrest. Giddily, he said that the first thing he wanted to do was to sleep in, impossible in prison because every morning at 7:30 they do the roll call.

The following day at midday, I met Frampton at the Czerniawskis' three-bedroom apartment, just blocks away from the Argentine Parliament. Dressed in a dark blue pinstriped suit and a tie covered with tiny red-beaked penguins, Frampton was finishing lunch with Czerniawski's wife, Silvia, and their two daughters. "See," he said, "I'm Paul Frampton again." Czerniawski was at work. When I asked Frampton if he had slept in, he said he spent half the night on the Internet, reading through all the latest discoveries in his field, checking to see what his "competitors" had been working on, and beginning to answer the thousands of e-mails he received. He reported that he had more citations than ever. The conversation turned to his long-awaited release to house arrest. How had the new lawyers achieved so quickly what his public attorney had been requesting for more than four months? "They say they drink maté with the judges," Frampton answered cryptically. Later he added, "A little bird told me that if I get off, I'll never know why."

He showed me his latest calculations, pages of beautifully rendered symbols with not a word in sight except for "Nestor Kirchner," the former president and deceased husband of current president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, written in the margin. "I'm trying to connect the God particle, the Higgs boson, with dark energy — you know, the thing that makes the universe accelerate. This sounds a bit egomaniacal, but to understand dark energy, I think we have to be open-minded about Einstein's general relativity."

This time, he was the one who brought the conversation back around to drug smuggling, showing palpable anxiety about the outcome of his trial. He told me uneasily that his lawyers had reported that nearly all drug-smuggling cases that came to trial ended in guilty verdicts.

As I was leaving, he stepped out with me into the hallway. "Can I do this?" he asked, wondering if he was violating his house arrest. He got into the elevator, a wrought-iron cage that offered a view of the stairs as it descended, and repeated, "Can I do this?" He accompanied me down another long hall to the entrance and gave me a kiss on the cheek goodbye, peering out at the street as the door closed.

Two weeks later, on Nov. 12, Frampton's trial began in a small wood-paneled courtroom, where he sat before three judges. On exhibit in front of the judges was a collapsed black cloth suitcase with wheels wrapped in yellow cellophane.

Frampton's long-held defense — that he was duped because he had a childlike understanding of the ways of the world — began to unravel. The prosecutor opened his cross-examination of Frampton by citing a text message retrieved from Frampton's confiscated cellphone. "On Jan. 22 at 9:46 a.m.," he said, "you wrote from Ezeiza airport to the person you understood to be Denise Milani: 'Was worried only about sniffer dogs but more.' " As his interrogation of Frampton continued, he read other text messages sent from Frampton's phone. One at 9:52 a.m.: "Need to know if your loyalty is with the bad guy-agent & bolivian friends — or good guy, your husband?" And another at 9:56 a.m.: "SIRU" — the Hotel Siru, where they were planning to meet in Brussels — "IS AMBUSH." 10:14 a.m.: "Your naivety is bad for me, us. This is millions. NO SIRU, OK?" At 11:19 a.m., Frampton sent Milani an e-mail: "This stuff is worth nothing in Bolivia, but $Ms in Europe. You meet me at the airport and we do not go near the hotel the 'agent' suggested. Stay at another hotel." At 11:47 a.m., there was another text message: "Monday arrival changed. You must not tell the coca-goons." At 12:16 p.m., he wrote: "WHY ARE YOU IGNORING ME? AT THIS LAST MOMENT. WE DID NOT DECIDE HOW TO MEET TOMORROW IN BRUSSELS AND KEEP COCA & LIVES. AT SIRU WE MAY LOSE BOTH!!" At 1:06: "We may do cool 1,000,000."

Frampton explained to the judges that these messages were jokes. He'd made them up because of Dixon's earlier warnings about drugs. "I was trying to keep Denise amused. I had already decided to fly back to North Carolina." But even taking Frampton's peculiar brand of humor into account, it was hard to understand why he would have taken the joke so far. He sent 30 messages like this, with specific details that made it seem as if he were referring to a real situation, a considered plan, not fabricating a story on the spot. Or did he think that whoever was behind the man who came to the hotel with the suitcase might hurt Milani if he didn't agree to take the bag? While for much of his life Frampton seems to have had little interest in money, he may well have seen his actions as a strategy to prove to Milani once and for all that he was indeed the husband of her dreams — a knight slaying dragons.

The defense worked to show that far from hatching some elaborate plot, Frampton was unconcerned about the contents of the bag. Footage from airport security cameras showed him getting up from a cafe table and wandering off, leaving his open laptop and his two bags — his own white one and Milani's black one — unattended for up to 25 minutes at a time, gazing in shop windows, talking to security personnel, standing at an airline counter, returning to his abandoned luggage and then, an hour or so later, repeating the operation. Would anyone, even a wacky scientist, behave this way if he knew he was transporting two kilos of cocaine?

And if Frampton's behavior was innocent, it still called for an explanation. Who leaves his bags unattended in an airport? Frampton, apparently. "I've seen him in airports," his ex-wife said, "He leaves all his bags and goes for half an hour somewhere else."

The prosecution continued to press its case, producing a piece of paper on which Frampton had written:

"1 gram 200 dollars

2,000 grams 400,000 dollars."

The amount of cocaine found in the bag Frampton was carrying was 1,980 grams. When asked why he'd been making this calculation, Frampton said: "My mind works in a strange way." That evening, Frampton told me on the telephone, "I made those calculations in the airport office after having been arrested," a fact that his defense team stressed the following day, noting Frampton's tendency to make random calculations. They asked him to explain another notation on the same piece of paper that read "5 standard deviations 99.99994%." "The criterion for the discovery of the Higgs boson had to be 5 standard deviations, which means it's extremely unlikely to be a statistical fluctuation," Frampton explained. He was "calculating the probability that Denise Milani would become my second wife, which was almost a certainty." Pursuing this line of questioning, his lawyer asked whether Frampton was also calculating the weight of one of the judges.

"I'm embarrassed to admit it, but yes," Frampton answered. "I calculated that he must weigh 100 kilos."

"You calculated badly, as badly as you did about your second marriage," the judge responded. "I'm 124 kilos."

On the third and last day of the trial, the defense exhibited love letters Frampton had written to Denise Milani that they recovered from his Gmail account. They were full of tenderness, vividly imagining their life together in Chapel Hill. She wouldn't need to work at first; she could accompany him to the office, make friends at the gym, the cafeteria and the supermarket; they'd take walks on the beach, and soon their little baby would arrive. Eventually she could get a contract with Victoria's Secret. A response from Milani exhibited matching tenderness: "You're the best thing that's happened in my cursed life." But the judges were apparently unmoved by these declarations of love. As Frampton's former defense lawyer said, "The only thing that matters as far as the law is concerned is whether Frampton knew there were drugs in the bag. Whether he did it for money or a woman doesn't matter."

On Nov. 19, Frampton was sentenced to 4 years 8 months for drug smuggling.

After the trial, Frampton said his lawyers had forbidden him to speak to me, fearing that he might say something "stupid." But three weeks later, this injunction was lifted, and I went to visit him again at the Czerniawskis', where he remains under house arrest. With credit for the time he has already spent in custody, Frampton is expected to be released in May 2014. (Under Argentine law, a foreigner must serve half his sentence but can then be expelled from the country, and the penalty is then considered discharged.) It was a hot summer day, and he was dressed casually this time, in a light blue polo shirt, white shorts, black socks and black sneakers. He was still insisting on his innocence, but a new wariness had crept into his manner. He asked me several questions about myself, as if trying to gauge with each word which version of Paul Frampton I believed. He reported that U.N.C. would not make any decisions about his position on the faculty until it heard the results of his appeal, which could be months away. (U.N.C. confirmed that Frampton still has his position but that his current salary is $0.) His lawyers were using the same strategy they had previously, but introducing further evidence, like the complete record of his Yahoo Messenger chats with Milani, which he felt sure would exonerate him. "It shows unambiguously," he said later, "that the only reason I went to South America was to meet Denise Milani." For his part, Frampton had been working on two papers simultaneously. "So I can rest assured that I'm not like Oscar Wilde," he said. While in Devoto, he checked out a copy of Oscar Wilde's "Picture of Dorian Gray," destined for English-language learners, from the prison library. He read in the preface that after Wilde's stay in prison, he gave up writing. "That really affected me. He lost his confidence."

The night before, Frampton told me, he watched the Nobel Prize ceremony live in Stockholm. He described to me how the king of Sweden presented the prizes in a concert hall, adding that he had been there once himself. His greatest dream was "to have a prediction verified by experimentation." This, he explained, was how you win the Nobel as a theoretical particle physicist. "That would bring an enormous sense of fulfillment, quite apart from the Nobel Prize," he said. " 'I predicted a particle that's actually in the universe.' Wouldn't that be a rush? Much better than other ways of getting a lot of dopamine." Later in the conversation, he reflected: "I've written 450 papers, an absurd number. A typical professor writes 100 in his career. I don't regret my work in physics, but I have made sacrifices." When asked what kind of sacrifices, he responded as if the answer were obvious, "Well, I don't have a family."

One of Frampton's last e-mails to Denise Milani was written on a pirated cellphone a month into his stay inside Devoto prison: "I only think of cuddling all day and having sex all night with Denise Milani. How can you prove that you are Denise Milani?"

Maxine Swann is the author of the novels ''The Foreigners'' and ''Flower Children.''

swannmaxine10@gmail.com

Editor: Sheila Glaser

sfglaser@nytimes.com

A version of this article appeared in print on March 10, 2013, on page MM36 of the Sunday Magazine with the headline: Super-Duped.

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News The Caucus: Democrats Cry Foul Over Wednesday’s Other Filibuster

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The Caucus: Democrats Cry Foul Over Wednesday's Other Filibuster
Mar 8th 2013, 11:17

Senator Rand Paul may have staged a Senate-shaking filibuster Wednesday, but his was actually only the second most significant Republican filibuster of the day.

In a vote just before Mr. Paul,  the junior senator from Kentucky, tried to blockade the nomination of John Brennan as director of central intelligence over drone policy, the Senate failed to end debate on the nomination of Caitlin J. Halligan of New York to a seat on the federal appeals court for the District of Columbia.

The filibuster of Ms. Halligan didn't blow up on Twitter the way Mr. Paul's impressive 12-hour stand did. But of the two, it was the one that could renew a feud over rules governing filibusters and how the Senate handles high-level judicial nominations — an issue that has torn the chamber for years.

Democrats are already in discussions on how to respond to the Halligan filibuster. They believe Republicans are dead set against confirming qualified Obama administration nominees to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. They accuse Republicans of exaggerating their objections to Ms. Halligan to justify a filibuster under a 2005 agreement that short-circuited the last partisan showdown over filling judicial vacancies.

That deal, crafted by the famous Gang of 14, put its signatories on record as saying they would not block confirmation votes on appeals court judges without "extraordinary circumstances" as determined by each individual. While only members of the gang signed it, it became informal Senate policy and defused a crisis that had Republicans threatening to execute the "nuclear option" and bar filibusters against judicial nominees by a simple majority vote instead of with the 67 votes historically needed to change Senate rules.

It also led to President George W. Bush winning three appointments to the appeals court often considered a feeder to the Supreme Court, giving conservatives an advantage on the influential panel, which hears many federal-powers cases. It its current makeup, the court consists of four judges appointed by Republican presidents and three appointed by President Bill Clinton, with four vacancies — the most ever on that court.

In filibustering Ms. Halligan, several Republicans cited extraordinary circumstances arising from her earlier work as the solicitor general for the State of New York, particularly on a case against gun manufacturers.

"Ms. Halligan advanced the novel legal theory that gun manufacturers, wholesalers and retailers contributed to a 'public nuisance' of illegal handguns in the state," said Senator Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee, accusing her of judicial activism. "Therefore, she argued, gun manufacturers should be liable for the criminal conduct of third parties."

Democrats cried foul. The real reason she was blocked, they say, is that Republicans do not want to see the balance of power on the D.C. appeals court shifted. They say that Ms. Halligan was acting in her official capacity representing the State of New York, not as a jurist, and that Republicans have abandoned the extraordinary circumstances test engineered by the Gang of 14.

"If you go back to that history of what occurred back then, there is a real question of whether they have broken the deal now," said Senator Tom Udall, Democrat of New Mexico. "This is a key circuit for the country. What they are doing is not allowing these consensus candidate judges to get votes."

Mr. Udall has been among a group of relatively newer members of the Senate clamoring for significant changes in the rules governing filibusters. One demand is that senators act more like Mr. Paul, and take the floor to make their case when they are trying to block a vote.  In January, working to avoid a divisive fight, Senator Harry Reid, the Nevada Democrat and majority leader, and Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, struck a deal making some modest changes in filibuster rules.

But those changes have done little so far this session to curb filibusters, as evidenced by the vote on Ms. Halligan and the politically charged obstacles raised to confirmation votes on Mr. Brennan and Chuck Hagel, a former Republican senator who found himself on the receiving end of a Republican filibuster before winning confirmation as secretary of defense. The filibuster is alive and well in the Senate and, as Mr. Paul showed, may even be enjoying resurgence as grand theater.

Democrats say that despite what they see as clear provocation, they are in no hurry to change the new rules after just two months in place. They say they are more inclined to explore new ways to confront Republicans over the vacancies.

Mr. Udall says one option might be for the president to make multiple nominations, in effect daring Republicans to find ways to cite extraordinary circumstances in multiple instances.

"Rather than putting just one up, we should put before the Senate all four and expose what is happening here," said Mr. Udall, who acknowledged that Senate Democrats would need White House cooperation.

"We need to design a strategy to counter the Republicans, and we are going to need the president," he said.

The fight will take time to unfold. Democrats say they will wait to see how Republicans respond to future appeals court nominees. But a series of filibusters against what they view as acceptable nominees could quickly bring to a head the push for a change in Senate rules.


Follow Carl Hulse on Twitter at @hillhulse.

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News Vote Count Leader in Kenya Faces U.S. With Tough Choices

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Vote Count Leader in Kenya Faces U.S. With Tough Choices
Mar 8th 2013, 10:10

Pete Muller for The New York Times

Supporters of presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta cheered as he arrived at a rally on Saturday.

NAIROBI, Kenya — He has been charged with heinous crimes, accused of using a vast fortune to bankroll death squads that slaughtered women and children. His running mate also faces charges of crimes against humanity, and as Kenya's election drew closer, the Obama administration's top official for Africa issued a thinly veiled warning during a conference call about the vote, saying that Kenyans are, of course, free to pick their own leaders but that "choices have consequences."

Presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta has been charged with heinous crimes and accused of using a vast fortune to bankroll death squads that slaughtered women and children.

The presidential election is Kenya's first in six years.

A news anchor awaited election results on Thursday in Nairobi.

But when the ballot counting began this week, Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first president, surged ahead in the race for president and stayed out front as the margin narrowed early on Friday. Soon, the Obama administration and its allies could face a tough choice, made even more complicated by the appearance of taking sides against a candidate who may very well win.

Does the United States put a premium on its commitment to justice and ending impunity — as it has emphasized across the continent — and distance itself from Mr. Kenyatta should he clinch this election?

Or would that put at risk all the other strategic American interests vested in Kenya, a vital ally in a volatile region and a crucial hub for everything from billion-dollar health programs and American corporations to spying on agents of Al Qaeda?

Even the little things could be tricky. Are the American diplomats who interact with the Kenyan government on a daily basis not supposed to shake Mr. Kenyatta's hand? What about sharing a dais with him? The British have already publicly stated that they will avoid any contact unless it is essential.

"This is going to pose a very awkward situation," said Jendayi Frazer, a former assistant secretary of state for African affairs. "Kenyatta knows he needs the United States, and the United States knows it needs Kenya."

American officials have declined to discuss publicly what a Kenyatta victory would mean, and several reiterated the rather anodyne video message from President Obama in February, in which he said, "The choice of who will lead Kenya is up to the Kenyan people."

But Johnnie Carson, the top administration official for Africa, was not quite so diplomatic when he repeatedly warned soon after that "choices have consequences," which critics say backfired by energizing supporters of Mr. Kenyatta and his running mate, William Ruto, driving many to the polls to rally behind them. "When you inject yourself into an election," Ms. Frazer said, "you never know how it will play."

Mr. Carson responded, "One comment does not swing a contest."

If he wins the presidency, Mr. Kenyatta, who was ahead with 50 percent of the vote by noon Friday, would become the second African head of state after Sudan's Omar Hassan al-Bashir to face grave charges at the International Criminal Court at The Hague. But that does not mean he will meet the same diplomatic isolation as Mr. Bashir, who is wanted on an arrest warrant and cannot travel to much of the world.

For starters, Mr. Bashir has refused to appear at the court, while Mr. Kenyatta has traveled there to defend himself, so no warrant has been issued. Beyond that, the United States and Sudan were hardly allies when Mr. Bashir was accused of fomenting genocide in Darfur. The relationship was already sour, with Sudan squeezed by sanctions for playing host to Osama bin Laden, among other things.

By contrast, the American-Kenyan partnership has been a particularly symbiotic one, especially recently. American intelligence agents work closely with their Kenyan counterparts, hunting down Qaeda cells in Kenya and Somalia. Kenya receives nearly $1 billion in American aid each year and has agreed to accept captured Somali pirates and hundreds of thousands of refugees, at the request of donors like the United States.

Nairobi, Kenya's capital, is home to the largest American Embassy in sub-Saharan Africa and a sprawling United Nations campus that runs programs across the world, making it especially difficult for the United States to take its resources somewhere else.

"There is really very little leverage that the U.S. and other countries can exercise," said J. Peter Pham, director of the Michael S. Ansari Africa Center in Washington.

One former American official with extensive experience in Africa was more blunt. "We need Kenya more than Kenya needs us," he said.

The United States has to be careful how it handles the Kenyatta issue, analysts say, because Mr. Kenyatta could easily turn to China, which has made important inroads here, building highways and even covertly financing some Kenyan military operations.

Already, the Western concerns about Mr. Kenyatta's candidacy seem to be provoking a backlash.

On Wednesday, the Kenyatta campaign accused the British high commissioner here of "shadowy, suspicious and rather animated involvement" in Kenya's election, a claim the British dismissed as "entirely false."

Some diplomats have also spoken of what they call a "Mugabe factor," warning that Kenya's leaders, if put under too much pressure, could become isolated and testy like President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.

Court documents paint a disturbing picture of Mr. Kenyatta. According to prosecutors, as hundreds of his fellow Kikuyus were being slaughtered by rival ethnic groups in the explosion of violence after the last major election in 2007, Mr. Kenyatta organized meetings with a nefarious Nairobi street gang to take revenge.

Mr. Kenyatta, the documents say, "contributed money towards the retaliatory attack" and was "aware of the widespread and systematic nature of the attack." The outlawed gang, the Mungiki, killed scores of people, including small children burned to death while huddling in their homes.

Mr. Kenyatta has denied the charges and says he will clear his name. Many analysts say the case is rather weak. The trial was supposed to start next month but has been postponed until July.

The case against Mr. Ruto, a charismatic politician with an intensely loyal following, is believed to be stronger. Prosecutors say Mr. Ruto and his inner circle "created a network of perpetrators" and paid them to kill.

There are few figures in the Kenyan political landscape as polarizing as Mr. Kenyatta, 51, a deputy prime minister. Many members of other ethnic groups accuse him and his family of stealing their ancestral land, which became the basis for the Kenyatta family fortune.

But among many Kikuyus, Mr. Kenyatta is seen as a savior. He is a confident speaker, educated at Amherst College and respected in Nairobi's business circles. During the last election crisis, several supporters said, he paid for buses to ferry Kikuyus out of danger zones and bought sacks of food for families who had been burned out of their homes.

"When we needed it, Uhuru was there," said David Wanjohi Chege, a trader.

Many Western governments would clearly prefer the second-place candidate, Prime Minister Raila Odinga, who was trailing with 45 percent of the vote Friday amid complaints from his camp that some results had been "doctored." About a quarter of the votes remained to be counted on Friday and the race may be headed for a runoff. It was not clear when the final tally would emerge.

Diplomats in Nairobi said they did not know what their governments would do if Mr. Kenyatta ultimately won — though most expected little or no change in policy unless he was convicted or stopped cooperating with the court. If that happens, some diplomats spoke of targeted sanctions without wanting to be more specific.

"To be honest, there are so many different scenarios, nobody really knows what we're going to do," one American official said.

The United States has opted not to participate in the International Criminal Court, though the administration has expressed support for "the I.C.C.'s prosecution of those cases that advance U.S. interests and values." Many Kenyans see this as hypocritical.

Mr. Kenyatta's lawyers could probably drag out the trial for years. The only conviction the court has secured, against a Congolese warlord, came six years after he arrived at the court.

Some Kenyans have worried that Mr. Kenyatta, if he wins, may try to pull Kenya out of the court to evade trial. But according to legal scholars, that would not change Kenya's obligations.

"The I.C.C. was definitely a factor in this election, but not necessarily the factor you would expect," said Maina Kiai, a prominent Kenyan human rights defender. "It got people out. People were saying, 'They're our boys, they're our sons, we need to protect them.' "

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News Movie Review: ‘Oz the Great and Powerful,’ Starring James Franco

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Movie Review: 'Oz the Great and Powerful,' Starring James Franco
Mar 8th 2013, 06:07

Can the major studios still make magic? From the looks of "Oz the Great and Powerful," a dispiriting, infuriating jumble of big money, small ideas and ugly visuals, the answer seems to be no — unless, perhaps, the man behind the curtain is Martin Scorsese or James Cameron. The Walt Disney Company is the studio lurking behind "Oz," and, as usual, it is banking that it can leverage this 3-D prehistory of the Wizard of Oz (James Franco) for its wonderful world of cross-promotional marketing and ancillary revenue streams. With so much riding on this "Oz" it's a surprise that the results are so uninspired — or given Disney's recent run with the likes of "Alice in Wonderland," maybe not.

The bigger bummer, though, is that the studio that has enchanted generations with Tinker Bell and at least a few plucky princesses has backed a movie that has such backward ideas about female characters that it makes the 1939 "Wizard of Oz" look like a suffragist classic. Which it was, in its charming way: L. Frank Baum, who wrote the 1900 book "The Wonderful Wizard of Oz" and its 13 follow-ups, was the son-in-law of the pioneering feminist Matilda Joslyn Gage, and her influence permeates the Oz books, which take flight with a brave girl who saves her friends and their land. Baum's second book, "The Marvelous Land of Oz," even features a parodic take on the suffrage movement, with a female general, Jinjur, leading an all-girl army equipped with knitting needles.

"Friends, fellow-citizens and girls," Jinjur declares, "we are about to begin our great Revolt against the men of Oz!" Too bad they didn't storm Disney next.

If they had, maybe they could have jabbed some sense into the director Sam Raimi, best known for the first "Spider-Man" movies, and his five male producers, and then used those needles to shred Mitchell Kapner and David Lindsay-Abaire's script. A little sisterly outrage would have been appropriate because, among other offenses, the filmmakers have thrown over Dorothy — one of the greatest heroines in children's literature and Hollywood cinema — for prequel about a two-bit magician and Lothario with female troubles. In Baum's first book and in the 1939 film the witches are powerful forces for good and wickedness in the Land of Oz. In "Oz the Great and Powerful," a witch not only falls for the man Oz, she also turns green from envy when he cozies up to a pretty blonde. (Yeah, the baddie is a brunette.)

It starts better than it ends, partly because Mr. Raimi opens by paying tribute to the 1939 film — with black-and-white visuals and a square screen — when he introduces the young wizard, Oscar Diggs, or Oz. Fast talking and promisingly shady, Oz works in a dusty Kansas circus, hustling rubes with doves and peddling sweet nothings to the ladies. One miss, Annie (Michelle Williams), stands out, but — in a worrisome sign — he can't commit. When another woman's lover chases him, Oz hops in a hot-air balloon and, after riding out a storm, arrives in a garishly hued, digitally rendered land that brings to mind the (bad) cover of a prog rock album and announces that, while we aren't in Kansas anymore, neither are we in movie dreamland.

You know that place: It's over the rainbow and once upon a time, across a crowded room and in a galaxy far, far away. It's where dreams come true, and it's nowhere to be found in "Oz the Great and Powerful." Instead there is a little romance, some adventure, too much jokey patter, a rainbow coalition of Munchkins and enough digital wizardry effectively to make this an animated movie. Even the troika of witches — Theodora (Mila Kunis), Evanora (Rachel Weisz) and Glinda (Ms. Williams) — look as if they have received some unnecessary digital facial smoothing. They're as eerily gleaming and artificial looking as the most the movie's most visually arresting character, a porcelain doll, China Girl (voiced by Joey King), whom Oz rescues with kindness and glue.

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News U.N. Peacekeepers Still Held by Syria Rebels

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U.N. Peacekeepers Still Held by Syria Rebels
Mar 8th 2013, 08:17

Baz Ratner/Reuters

A United Nations vehicle crossed from Syria into Israel on the Golan Heights.

A group of United Nations peacekeepers from the Philippines who were seized in the disputed Golan Heights region between Syria and Israel two days ago, remained in captivity early on Friday as their captors pressed demands for a redeployment of government forces nearby, the Filipino authorities said.

A video posted online Wednesday showed a member of the Martyrs of Yarmouk claiming responsibility for the abduction of a group of U.N. peacekeepers.

The rebels had offered assurances on Thursday of the 21 peacekeepers' well-being and appeared to back away from threats to hold them as hostages. But news reports on Friday quoted Raul Hernandez, the spokesman for the Philippines Foreign Ministry, as saying the insurgents were still pressing for Syrian government to move away from the area around Al Jamlah, the village where the international troops were seized on Wednesday.

Al Jamlah lies close to the Golan Heights, controlled by Israel, where a United Nations force has patrolled since a cease-fire halted the 1973 October War.

The rebels said Thursday they wanted Syrian troops to move away with their heavy weaponry to open up an exit route for their captives. But the demand also seemed driven by tactical considerations in the nearly two-year-old Syrian conflict.

Israel, which has watched anxiously for spillover as the Syrian civil war has intensified, signaled Thursday that it had no intention of becoming embroiled in the situation. Amos Gilad, a senior official in the Defense Ministry, told Israel Radio that "we can rely on the U.N. to persuade" the insurgent fighters to release the peacekeepers and that "neither the rebels nor anyone else has an interest in clashing with the international community, which it needs for support."

The authorities in Manila said the troops had not been harmed and President Benigno S. Aquino III said he believed the peacekeepers would be viewed by both sides in the Syrian conflict as a "benign presence, so we don't expect any further untoward incident to happen."

The detention of the peacekeepers was the first time any regional United Nations forces had been drawn into the Syrian war.

A group calling itself Martyrs of Yarmouk claimed responsibility for capturing the unit and, in a video posted on the Internet, threatened that if Syrian forces did not withdraw from the surrounding area within 24 hours, the peacekeepers would be dealt with "like war prisoners."

But on Thursday, a statement on what appeared to be the group's Facebook page asserted that the rebels had acted to protect the Filipino unit from a Syrian government assault. "With God's help, we were able to keep a group of U.N. members, who work in the border village of Al Jamlah, safe from the barbaric shelling of Assad's criminal gang," it said, referring to President Bashar al-Assad of Syria.

The peacekeepers were "under our protection until we can get them to safe areas," the post continued.

"We dissociate ourselves from all statements issued prior to this one regarding the detention of U.N. personnel," it said. "They are now safe and honored and hosted as guests by the brigade's leadership until we can deliver them safely to their headquarters."

A series of videos was also posted on the Internet showing different groups of the peacekeepers offering remarkably similar accounts. In each, an officer identifies himself and his unit, explains that they came under fire from government forces and were aided by civilians, who were giving them food and water and keeping them safe.

A spokesman for the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, an activist group based in Britain, said Thursday that the rebels were seeking the withdrawal of Syrian forces from the area, a halt to their shelling and a secure road to use to hand the Filipino soldiers over to international forces in the Quneitra border region.

The observatory, which has a network of opposition contacts in Syria, said the soldiers were still in Al Jamlah and reported "clashes" between government troops and rebels on Thursday on the village's northern outskirts. There was no immediate independent confirmation.

The group said that Arab League representatives had joined United Nations officials in negotiating with the rebels.

Violence continued elsewhere, with activists reporting that warplanes struck the north-central city of Raqqa, where rebels have made gains in recent days, and that the neighborhood of Khalidiya, in Homs, was being shelled.

There were also reports of a warplane crashing in a southern suburb of the northern city of Idlib. An activist working with the Syrian Observatory said it was hit by antiaircraft fire and poured out black smoke. Other witnesses said they saw two parachutes.

The scale of the destruction wrought by the almost two-year-old conflict emerged starkly on Thursday when Doctors Without Borders, a humanitarian aid organization, said in a report that Syria's once-efficient health care network had broken down, with patients treated in caves and basements as large numbers of hospitals closed and medical facilities became tools "in the military strategies of the parties to the conflict."

"Medical aid is being targeted, hospitals destroyed and medical personnel captured," said Marie-Pierre Allié, the president of Doctors without Borders.

The report, issued in New York, added to a catalog of woes this week as the number of refugees fleeing Syria exceeded a million and the school system was reported to have collapsed.

Alan Cowell reported from London, and Hania Mourtada from Beirut, Lebanon. Isabel Kershner contributed reporting from Jerusalem.

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